

When the German historian Ernest Nolte in 1986 published in the newspaper German Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung his thoughts about the rise of Nazism, their development and action in the first half of the twentieth century, played one of the fibers, but the more sensitive of German society. Mainly because it pointed to
German National as a defensive response to the Bolshevik Soviet communism. And that, for example, the Holocaust (remember that in Germany denying the Holocaust is a crime) was an overreaction to what the Soviet Communists and Hitler had made a radical exacerbated and deplorable, but ultimately a defender Germany to the external threat.
The premise and had some background, especially when tracks in German historicism (Mommsen).
Historicism traced the history in a deterministic way, relying on evidence that there are laws that can be discovered and that govern the development of history.
From this perspective, the conservatives advocated the thesis of a "Sonderweg" or road that slid German social history, where the Nazis occupied the site of a strange anomaly that were responsible for Hitler and his clique. Parallel
German historians like James Taylor or Alan Hoogen the 60 billed at similar theories, Hitler proclaimed a opportunist who is building his power and making decisions based on mistakes and weaknesses of the opposition and the European powers.
At the same time we found that there were other historians like Eberhard Jäckel Hans Rosenberg or other lines that were historiographical and saw the rise of Nazism and its heyday as a logical and inevitable in the path of belligerence, expansionism and militarism that had been giving Prussia in Germany since 1700. Historians such as Andreas
Hillgruber or Hildebrands, meanwhile, rejected the proposal of a product of the Nazi Germany of his own political future history. Ernest Nolte
he had written in the 60's a book entitled "Der in seiner Epoche Faschismu" trying to fascism as a kind of anti-modernist, it is negative, primitive theories left to enlist in the National revisionism as "Reaktion". His article "The past does not pass" in the Frankfurter ignited the debate.
The dispute soon transcend the limits of historians and social and political would at the same time. The teacher and philosopher Jurgen Habermas confronted him from thinking of the German intellectual left.
The discussion was public, media and political ethics, it diverged in two directions, the first being "German guilt" and the second a rebirth of nationalism German while sharing the burden of responsibility, basically, with the emergence of the Bolshevik threat.
The questions began to be clear: There is continuity and therefore a logical and expected in German history, connecting this segment of history, national socialism in the early 30's, with militarism, identity and Prussian tradition? Or was the product of a National series of external circumstances (for anti-Bolshevik reaction Nolte) that Hitler had used concurrently and therefore exceptionally had appeared in the story? Continuity or Rupture? Did Hitler a preconceived plan with objectives previously (to the coming to power) defined? Or it was just a magician's intuitive international interactions with German society? Is it possible to historicize the Holocaust? Is the Holocaust a singularity?
There are several elements of weight that is necessary, although many of them contradictory, evaluating. For example, the "continuity" was something that Hitler himself said, but they will breed themselves Prussian conservatives who are closer to physically remove it.
consider the racial aspect of the scheme, which leads to extreme crime unique in the history of mankind, to be something typical of National Socialism and that it exerts very powerful distinctive history. But also necessary to assess the density of anti-Semitism in Germany of the early twentieth century, its origin and development.
If the Holocaust is not historicized, from the point of view of the comparison (not from the relativity), we find a unique phenomenon, with clear responsibilities and unique.
If we place it as an unfortunate event, as sad as others that occurred throughout the history of mankind, its leaders are as guilty as others.
On the other hand, if the National, their actions and consequences were an expected result the evolution of German history from two centuries earlier is a definite fault lies with the collective. But if the Nazi regime was the product of a series of interactions, internal and external, where the figure of Hitler emerges as alien to German history, and there is a trigger factor (in case the Bolshevik threat), then the syndrome guilt, tends to blur in a larger context.
In conclusion we can say that the debate is much broader than we can cover here and these are only approximations to a particularly complex matter involving a German company in the perception of that past, its history and tragedy.
Jurgen Habermas spoke of "historical consciousness" of public use of history, perhaps there lies its importance in determining what it is for the companies of today to stand before history's own recent past, without taboos, but with the responsibility know, that past, for better or for worse this condition their mind and probably will mark its future.
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